Rabat – The government council approved a decree on Thursday maintaining the suspension of import duties on soft wheat and its derivatives for four months until April 2019.

The government had decided earlier to apply a fixed customs duty of 30 percent on soft wheat starting January 2019, down from 135 percent.

The duty would raise the domestic prices of soft wheat and flour, and therefore bread prices, Government Spokesperson Mustapha El Khalfi said at a press conference after the government council meeting.

Through the decree, the government seeks to keep the price of flour stable at MAD 260 per quintal. Flour is also subsidized.

If Morocco added the 30 percent import duty on wheat, El Khalfi said, the import cost of soft wheat would be between MAD 290 and MAD 300 per quintal.

Read Also: France to Compete with Russia and Ukraine to Export Wheat to Morocco

Thanks to good weather, Morocco expects to have a 70-million-hectare cereal crop in 2019, increasing domestic wheat production to 8.2 million tons this season, nearly 1 million tons more than last year.

According to El Khalfi’s statistics, the national soft wheat stock at mills and storage centers is estimated at about 14.3 million quintals, covering three months and seven days of the country’s industrial mill needs.

The government affirmed that the decree is one part of the kingdom’s social measures. Morocco also subsidizes butane gas to maintain its price at MAD 41 per 12-kilogram bottle. The state subsidizes each bottle by MAD 56.

In the 2019 Finance Bill, the government allocated MAD 17.67 billion for the subsidy fund to subsidize butane gas, sugar, and flour. The figure is a significant increase of MAD 4.65 billion from the 2018 budget.

In April 2017, the government decided to raise import duties for soft wheat from 30 to 135 percent. The former economy minister Mohamed Boussaid explained that the switch was made to stabilize prices and boost local soft wheat marketing.

In October 2017, the government council adopted draft decree 2.17.633 to lower the import tax to 30 percent in December 2017 “to protect the national production and the purchasing power of the citizen by ensuring the supply of good quality wheat to the national market,” according to a statement by El Khalfi at the time.

Morocco’s main wheat imports come from the EU (31 percent), Russia (18 percent), Ukraine (18 percent), and the US (16 percent).

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Rabat – Trade unions have sounded an alarm bell, threatening to start 2019 with a “month of anger” of sustained protests and sit-in campaigns until the government reconsiders abandoning the “social dialogue.”

The Moroccan Labor Union (UMT), the Democratic Labor Federation (CDT), and other advocacy groups have announced that January will be a month of protests. Should the government fail to review its position on improving working conditions, especially raising wages, workers will boycott their jobs and take to the streets, the groups said.

In late November, a number of trade unions failed to reach consensus with the government on workers’ wage demands. UMT and CDT representatives slammed the negotiations, saying that Head of Government Saad Eddine El Othmani was insensitive to workers’ concerns.

The groups now want to revive the “social dialogue,” saying that the first month of the coming year will be entirely devoted to bringing the government back to the negotiating table.

Brandishing threats of “protests, strikes, sit-ins and regional and national marches,” the organizations, Assabah reported in its weekend edition, count on their mobilization ability to compel the government to relent.

Earlier this week, UMT Secretary General Miloudi Moukharik said that workers’ anger has been spurred by the government’s perceived lack of political will and workers’ “constantly degrading conditions.”

Moukharik’s statement highlighted job insecurity, “precarious working conditions,” the high unemployment rate, rising prices, and “the violation of pensioners’ rights and workers’ labor freedom” as the reasons behind the calls for general strikes. Offering a grim picture of Morocco’s economy, Moukharik said the government is the primary actor responsible for the situation.

Meanwhile, CDT, the other “angry group of workers,” has released a specific protest schedule. Starting on January 11, the group will hold a march on the Tangier road. Their protest motives include the government’s withdrawal from the social dialogue, “lack of political will,” and the “systematic violation of labor freedom.”

While UMT and CDT have been the most vocal critics of the government’s social policies, the month of anger has garnered support from other trade unions. Three teachers unions have joined the club of “angry workers.”

Earlier this week, the national federation of teaching professionals, the free teachers’ federation, and the national teachers’ federation announced the dates of their protest movements. The groups have called for general strikes January 2-4. They will hold a sit-in in front of the education ministry headquarters on January 2 as well as a march on Parliament, they said.

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By Carolina McCabe

Rabat – Founded by Boubker Mazoz in 2007, the Sidi Moumen Cultural Center has become a beacon of opportunity for youth from Sidi Moumen in Casablanca. The center, run by the Idmaj Association, has finished building its third facility.

The lack of opportunity, violence, illiteracy, and government policies within the Sidi Moumen community resulted in intense poverty. In the 2003 Casablanca bombings, all 12 bombers came from Sidi Moumen. Again, in the 2007 Casablanca attacks, the suicide bombers originated from Sidi Moumen.

In 2003, King Mohammed VI introduced “Cities Without Slums,” a program aiming to eliminate all slums from the country by 2012. The project included building sufficient, affordable, and sanitary housing for families to relocate to during the demolishment of the old slums.

Since its launch in 2004, the UN-Habitat supported program has reached one of the highest rates of reduction of slums at a global level. More than simply replacing the housing, helping the community rise beyond the hopelessness that had encompassed it for so long was a continuous battle.

Teaching youth to teach others

Seeing the challenges the community faced, Boubker Mazoz, a Moroccan who previously worked for the US State Department, founded the first center in 2007 with private funding. According to its website, the mission of Sidi Moumen is to “encourage at-risk children and vulnerable youth to stay in school and avoid delinquency, drug addiction, and extremism.”

Through classes, activities and safe spaces, the center provides youth with the skills to become future leaders and upstanding citizens. The center offers courses in various languages, music, leadership, and art, among many other programs. Idmaj hosts exchange programs and conferences to encourage youth to take advantage of new opportunities and share their experiences with others.

The Idmaj Association, which runs the centers, is an association of youth who are from the neighborhoods that they serve. The founder, Boubker Mazoz, aimed to train young people to become leaders and participate in the operation of the center. Now, over 90 percent of the staff are from the Sidi Moumen community, and most of them were originally students from the center.

Salma Elmettichi, the deputy secretary general of Idmaj, started attending the center when she was nine years old. Thirteen years later, she attributes her accomplishments to attending the center as a child. Elmettichi received her bachelor’s degree earlier this month.

“The center gave me the most important thing. The center gave me hope. I had a life without hope, I didn’t know what to do,” Elmettichi told Morocco World News. She continued, “The center showed me how to set my goals. It showed me that one day I could be an important person. The center gave back the trust that I lost when I was young.”

Read Also: In Memoriam: Moroccan Celebrities Who Died in 2018

Bringing families together

Beyond engaging with the youth of the community, the centers capitalize on the opportunity to involve their families too. Expanding into cooking, embroidery, and recycling classes, the center incorporates the mothers of the youth as well.

“The center has made families closer. For me and my family, before the center, my parents didn’t know who I was,” said Elmettichi. “When I came to the center at nine and did things that I loved to do, my parents, especially my mom, were able to see that I was talented. It helped the bond between me and my family grow.”

Walking into the Sidi Moumen Cultural Center, there are security measures to ensure the safety of the youth. However, once inside the grounds, the center is colorfully decorated with murals surrounding the combined basketball and soccer court. An old school bus is converted into a classroom.

Trailers painted with bright colors contain sewing machines and a group of mothers embroidering together. Fifteen young boys and girls bang their makeshift drums in unison as they sit for their drumming class.

Inside the facility, students fill classrooms learning math, English, and leadership skills. Pictures cover the walls of the theater room, highlighting past productions and performances. There is a sense of hope that surrounds one when they enter the facility. Youth from all around the community are learning, engaging in conversation, and putting their passions into practice.

“The center supports youth who came from hard social backgrounds, like myself and others who don’t have a lot of money. The center has helped us study so that in the future we can change our social situations,” said Elmettichi.

Read Also: ONDH: Rural Moroccan Adults Have 2.2 Years of Education on Average

The newest facility that has been constructed, but not yet inaugurated, is a four-story building, which holds classrooms filled with musical instruments, art supplies, libraries, technology labs, a stage, exercise equipment, sewing machines, and more. The center will be able to cater to more members of the community and encourage youth to engage in what they are passionate about.

“With the third center, we wish to get the chance to help more kids succeed in their studies and succeed in their lives,” said Elmettichi. “Our lives were changed when we entered the center, so we hope to help others who need our help to change their lives too.”

The post Casablanca’s Sidi Moumen Cultural Centers Give Opportunity for Community appeared first on Morocco World News.

Rabat – The stakes are high for Morocco’s development aspirations, and there has been a deluge of infrastructure and development projects. And yet, the abiding feeling that some things will not (easily) change remains deeply embedded in the national imaginary.

High speed train accident raises questions

The social media firestorm that erupted after the glaring miscommunication that followed the first accident of Morocco’s newly inaugurated high speed train reflected the doubt that some Moroccans and Morocco watchers had raised even before Rabat inaugurated Africa’s first high speed train: Can one big project do way with the country’s entrenched structural dysfunction?

The mood was mainly festive on November 15 when King Mohammed VI and France’s Emmanuel Macron took the first ride on Al Boraq (Pegasus), the evocative name given to the new train connecting Casablanca to Tangier in just 2 hours.

Al Boraq enthusiasts cheered on social media. Meanwhile, Stop TGV, the anti-Al Boraq coalition which questioned the project from the start, was largely silenced by the excitement that the inauguration generated on the continent.

Sub-Saharan African students in Morocco marveled at the project, comparing Morocco’s infrastructure to those back home. “Let critics speak. But for me Morocco is a model for the continent in terms of infrastructure and construction projects,” said Ali, a Malian student in Rabat.

A number of international media picked up the enthusiasm, with France’s Liberation newspaper singing the sharpest pro-Al Boraq hymn. The paper ran an article that consecrated Tangier’s metropolis status. Tangier, Liberation proposed, has undergone “spectacular changes” in the last decade. With its promise of speed and comfort, Al Boraq was the illustration that Tangier’s “forced metamorphosis” bore “a final royal touch.”

But the enthusiasm has faded in one month. At the least, the enthusiasm has been largely sidelined by the country’s everyday issues, the ones that do not get headlines or prime time television.

Two weeks ago, however, on December 14, social media experienced a renewal of enthusiasm about Al Boraq. This time, rather than being celebrated, Morocco’s national rail operator ONCF was being castigated.

The company’s “unforgivable mistake,” angry social media users commented, was its seeming lack of concern for the life of a “fellow Moroccan” hit by the country’s celebrated bullet-shaped train.

“On December 14 around 18h55, Al Boraq made an urgent stop between Sidi Lyamani and Aqouass Biech en route to Tangier after it hit and killed a man who threw himself in front of the train,” read an ONCF press release later on the same day.

Noting that the situation was well managed and that things “returned to their normal state at 21:45,” the company added the backbone of the press release: “ONCF apologizes to customers for the discomfort.”

Apparently only interested in the comfort of its customers, ONCF’s statement glaringly neglected to mention the slightest caring remark about the man the train had hit. The move ignited a firestorm, with many suggesting that the deceased’s family had the right to condolences, however symbolic.

“No respect for human life!” one commenter exclaimed in disbelief. Another, more explicit, hit: “What is this text? ONCF has no civic sense! No humanity!”

But while reactions shared the same pattern, indignation at an “irresponsible lack of communication,” the reasons for venting that frustration on ONCF’s Facebook post were different.

The undertone of the social media protestations, as one exceedingly ONCF-pessimist explained, was that the accident and ONCF’s statement raised questions not only about the company’s horrible communication, but the country’s preparedness for a project as big as Al Boraq. Can one fast train be the answer to Morocco’s litany of issues linked to bad governance?

Two Moroccos

Mohammedia, a city located between Rabat and Casablanca, does not feature on Al Boraq’s itinerary. The train only stops in Rabat and Kenitra en route to Tangier. But that is no impediment for Hassan, an IT worker constantly travelling between Tangier and Mohammedia.

Hassan is “professionally based in Tangier,” where he has a well-paid job, but his “sweetheart” is in Mohammedia. “I come here every weekend to see my girlfriend,” he said. He takes Al Boraq from Tangier to Casablanca and then uses a regular train to come to Mohammedia.

Read Also: Morocco’s LGV Train Hits, Kills Suicidal Man Near Tangier

Commenters and activists may have convinced the Tangier-Casablanca-Mohammedia trotter about the wildly high cost of the project. Two billion dollars is too much for one single project, Hassan said.

“Those who say that it is all about prestige are right. But they are missing something important: Prestige counts for an emerging country that aspires to greatness, to big development plans.”

Hassan’s pro-Al Boraq remarks are not meant for ONCF, however. He holds the company responsible for making him arrive late at a number of appointments in the past when he could only use the regular train.

But with Al Boraq, he can enjoy his weekends in Mohammedia with his “sweetheart,” and still make it to Tangier on time for work. “No longer eight tiring hours on a train that never keeps its schedule,” he said. He spoke of his experience with regular trains like a prehistoric moment he harbors no nostalgia for.

“This is Morocco,” he offered, now commenting on the sad Al Boraq incident. “It was a big mistake. People pointed it out and called out ONCF. I think the company will not make the same mistake again.”

“This is Morocco” has been differently interpreted, depending on where each commenterr stands.

For some, it is an admission of the country’s permanent duality in socio-economic relations. On the one hand, there is first-class Morocco, made up of the “makhzen” (the ruling elite) and the few in the prestigious educated class from engineering and business schools. And then there is forgotten and invisible Morocco, made up of “the rest,” the social residue.

Al Boraq, critics recently told the Guardian, was meant to satisfy first-class Morocco’s obsession with the external gaze. Intent on appealing to the outside world but unmindful of the pervasive poverty in some quarters of the country, “visible Morocco” wanted to “notify the world—and the world’s foreign investors—that Morocco has arrived.”

In a second line of analysis, “This is Morocco” is code that mediocrity, elite complacency, and lack of communication are embedded in the country’s socio-political DNA. It means some things will never really change in Morocco.

When Moroccans use it among themselves, wrote columnist Karim Boukhari, they have reached the end of the conversation, the point where “there is nothing else to add.” It is a euphemism for corruption, bad government performance, and poor education levels, Boukhari explained.

But what was Hassan’s meaning? Where did his “This is Morocco” stand in the ongoing conversation about the paradox of a high speed train and many unaddressed issues?

“Moroccans like making big statements to flaunt their importance. That’s one reason we cheered the high-speed train project: To give the impression that Morocco may not have arrived yet, but it is already flying far above the skies of the African continent, boldly stressing its leadership ambitions. Even if it means being blind to some deeply rooted problems, that’s okay. It’s one step at a time.”

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Rabat – A projected wave of Morocco-bound ISIS elements has alarmed Morocco’s security experts, and the country is preparing to counter and neutralize possible dangers from former Moroccan ISIS fighters.

In its December 31 edition, Casablanca-based Al Ahdath Al Maghribia newspaper said that the prospect of ISIS fighters returning is a central element of the mounting fear in Morocco.

Following heavy defeats earlier this year, the radicalized group has been forced out of its Iraqi and Syrian territories, and a number of its fighters are expected to return to their respective countries.

Citing Moroccan officials, the newspaper indicated that the majority of Moroccans who joined ISIS in Syria, Iraq, and Libya are set to return.

Al Ahdath Al Maghribia’s warnings were borne out by a recent report from the European Counterterrorism Center (ECTC). The report highlights the security danger of former ISIS fighters upon return in their origin countries.

In addition to their own “enhanced capability to commit acts of terrorism,” returnees “also serve as role models and might be involved in radicalizing others,” the report noted.

Read Also: Official: Scandinavian Tourists’ Murder Wasn’t a Coordinated ISIS Attack

Speaking of the possible negative repercussions of ISIS’ recent defeat, ECTC’s report added: “As IS gets weaker, it has been urging its followers to carry out lone actor type attacks in their home countries, rather than guiding them to attempt to travel to the so-called caliphate.”

While Morocco’s anti-terrorism authorities have been almost 100 percent effective in minimizing the threats posed by former ISIS returnees, the ECTC report estimates that the next wave of returnees will pose a more lethal danger to security both in Morocco and Europe.

Having lost its Syrian and Iraqi strongholds, its self-styled caliphate, ISIS is seeking less traditional ways of inflicting “defeat” on governments, according to the report.

While not giving in to the frenzy surrounding the prospective return of former ISIS combatants, Moroccan authorities appeared to have heeded the warnings.

Speaking last week as Morocco arrested more suspects in the Imlil murders, Abdelhak El Khiame, the head of Morocco’s Central Bureau of Judicial Intelligence (BCIJ), said, “Every ISIS returnee who sets foot in Morocco will be arrested, questioned, and sent to the courts.”

Appearing to reassure Moroccans by playing down returnees’ ability to strike the country, the BCIJ chief gave figures that reaffirmed his team’s success in similar operations in the past.  

BCIJ operatives arrested 71 ISIS returnees between 2015 and 2016, El Khiame said. The majority of the 71 arrested returnees had come from combat zones in Syria and Iraq and were planning to strike a number of major Moroccan cities.

He said 1,668 Moroccans are estimated to have joined ISIS in Syria, Iraq, and Libya, and Moroccan intelligence have detailed files on each one.

Recently named among the world’s safest places, Morocco has traditionally been immune to the scourge of both domestic and foreign-organized terrorist strikes. Prior to the Imlil tragedy which claimed the lives of two Scandinavian tourists, Morocco’s last terrorist incident dated to 2011.

While the country’s counter-terrorism system has won plaudits in security circles worldwide, the new threats elicit an updated approach, experts have warned.

The post Prospect of ISIS Fighters Returning Rings Alarm Bells in Morocco appeared first on Morocco World News.

Rabat – 2018 was a year full of big events in Morocco that  impacted the political, social, and economic aspects of Moroccans’ lives. The events from 2018 listed below were major news in Morocco.

April: Boycott

Many Moroccans started a national campaign on April 20 to boycott three major companies in Morocco: Centrale Danone dairy, Sidi Ali bottled water, and Afriquia gas stations. The campaign aimed to speak out against rising commodity prices.

The boycott lasted through the spring and early summer and negatively impacted the earnings of the companies it targeted.

The main actor in the Moroccan dairy sector, Centrale Danone, experienced the largest loss this year. In September, Central Danone, which was the company most responsive to the campaign, decided to cut milk prices by 30 centimes, selling a 470-milliliter milk carton at MAD 3.20 instead of MAD 3.50.

June: 2018 World Cup in Russia and 2026 bid

After 20 years of not qualifying for the FIFA World Cup, the Moroccan team participated in 2018 World Cup in Russia (June 14-July 15) bringing joy and enthusiasm to Moroccan fans. Unfortunately, Moroccans did not achieve full happiness because the Atlas Lions were eliminated in the group stage.

Morocco was placed in Group C which included Iran and two strong teams: Spain and Portugal.

However, the Moroccan team played great games in the last two matches against Portugal and Spain after losing the first match to Iran (0-1) with an own goal.

FIFA used video assistant referee (VAR) technology for the first time in the 2018 World Cup. Several football teams and fans were not satisfied with the “unjust” use of VAR throughout the Russia tournament due to the alleged mistakes referees made in using VAR.

Morocco complained that VAR was not used to judge fouls in Morocco’s favor in its Portugal game (0-1), but the technology was used to allow an equalizer for Spain in Morocco’s last game (2-2).

One day before the start of the 2018 World Cup games, Morocco lost its bid to host FIFA’s 2026 World Cup disappointing many Moroccans. Only 65 countries voted for Morocco’s bid to the 134 countries which voted for the United (North American) bid at the 68th FIFA Congress in Moscow.

Many Moroccans were surprised that some Arab countries—Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, the UAE, Jordan, Iraq, Bahrain, and Lebanon—voted against Morocco. Morocco, however, was able to count on the support of Algeria, Tunisia, Qatar, Syria, Egypt, Palestine, Yemen, and Oman.

Read Also: Top Moroccan Achievers of 2018

June: Hirak Rif trial

On June 26, the judge of Casablanca’s Appeals Court pronounced sentences in the case of 53 detained Hirak Rif activists. The Hirak Rif leader, Nasser Zefzafi, received 20 years in prison. Other leaders of the protest movement, such as Nabil Ahemjik, El Boustati, and Samir Ghid, received the same heavy sentence.

The court sentenced dozens of other Hirak activists to between 1 and 15 years in prison. The court convicted most of the activists of “undermining the internal security of the state” and “preparing a conspiracy against internal security,” following their participation in protests which broke out in the northern Al Hoceima province in 2016 and 2017.  

Many citizens condemned the sentences because they found them “very heavy and unfair.” Zefzafi was also selected as one of the three finalists of the EU’s Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought.

August: Reintroduction of compulsory military service

On August 20, the Moroccan Council of Ministers approved a draft bill to reintroduce mandatory military service. The delegate minister in charge of the National Defense Administration, Abdellatif Loudiyi, introduced the bill, saying it aims to “promote the spirit of sacrifice and self denial.”

Many Moroccan youth and activists opposed “the legislative speed” which accelerated the ministerial council’s approval of Bill 44.18 “unlike other more important laws that have not been adopted yet.” Some Moroccan intellectuals stressed the need for the government to open public dialogue to discuss all aspects surrounding the mandatory military service.

However, the government did not hold public hearings on the bill. On December 26,  the House of Representatives in Parliament passed Law 44.18 at a plenary session. The bill has not yet been passed in the upper house.

Both men and women aged 19 to 25 would be subject to 12 months of military service. Beginning in September 2019, 10,000 young people are expected to begin service in the military each year.

September: Implementation of Law 103-13 on gender-based discrimination

September 12, 2018, was a historic day for Moroccan women, as the Moroccan court implemented Law 103-13 on eliminating violence against women.

It took the government six years of consultation and public debate to pass the law published in the official gazette in February 2018. The law then went into effect on September 12.

The law on the elimination of violence against women provides women the ability to file complaints of sexual harassment and ensures harassers receive harsher punishments.

According to the law, people who sexually harass in public spaces, by use of words, acts or signals of a sexual nature for sexual purposes, can receive prison sentences ranging from one to six months and fines from MAD 2,000 to 10,000.

Perpetrators of cybercrime, such as sexual blackmail, could face one to three years in prison and a fine ranging from MAD 1,000 to 20,000 if found guilty.

Moroccan women have expressed positive feelings about the law, which defines any act of violence and harassment as a crime. But for some activists, the implications of the law are still vague since women do not know exactly what they should do if they are harassed.

The activists assert that the “law has to put into place the implementing mechanisms.”

Read Also: In Memoriam: Moroccan Celebrities Who Died in 2018

October: Bouknadel train accident

On October 16, a train heading to Kenitra from Casablanca derailed in Bouknadel, near Rabat, at about 10:30 in the morning.

The accident killed 7 people, including the train’s engineer, and injured at least 125 people.

After an investigation, the public prosecutor of Sale’s Court of First Instance blamed the driver for going 158 kilometers per hour.

Many Moroccans expressed rage against ONCF, Morocco’s state-owned railway company, blaming it for the accident after a recording of a conversation between ONCF employees blaming faulty tracks, improper signage, and speeding went viral.

October: GMT+1 year-round

On October 26, the government adopted Draft Decree 2.18.855, adding 60 minutes to the standard time in Morocco, moving Morocco to GMT+1 year-round.

The government adopted the change overnight, only two days before Morocco was set to turn back the clocks one hour with the end of Daylight Saving Time (DST) October 28.

The government’s last-minute decision to maintain GMT+1 year-round was based on “an evaluation study.” The decision, which according to the government was “a sovereign decision,” angered many Moroccan people who raised questions about whether a study was ever conducted.

Many Moroccans took to social media to reject the move and express their worries about the long-term effects of the decision.

October: UN Security Council’s Resolution 2440

On October 31, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 2440 which extended the mandate of the UN mission, MINURSO, in Western Sahara for 6 months for the second time since 2008. The mandate had traditionally been extended for 12 months.

The resolution mentioned Algeria for the first time since 2002 and since the start of the political process in the Western Sahara conflict.

For the first time since 2012, the four parties in the conflict took part in a roundtable discussion. Morocco, Algeria, Polisario, and Mauritania all participated in the Geneva round-table December 5-6 to discuss a framework for negotiations.

November: King Mohammed VI’s call for dialogue with Algeria

In an unprecedented speech, King Mohammed VI showed a willingness to open the border with Algeria with “no need for third-party mediation.”

On the 43rd anniversary of the Green March on November 6, the King expressed Morocco’s readiness for “direct and frank dialogue with Algeria to settle the transient and objective differences impeding the development of relations between the two countries.” He suggested the countries set up a joint political mechanism for dialogue and consultation.

Many international officials ,such as UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres and former US Assistant Secretary of State P.J. Crowley, lauded King Mohammed VI’s call. The African Union also praised the King’s offer.

Countries like the US, Spain, France, the UAE, Qatar, Jordan, and Tunisia all backed Morocco’s dialogue initiative.

However, Algeria has not officially responded to the King’s dialogue offer yet. Several sources from Algeria spoke anonymously about the Moroccan offer to the press. One anonymous source said that King Mohammed VI’s offer is “questionable” and “not sincere.”

Read Also: Ali Squalli, Moroccan National Anthem Writer, Man of 2018

November: Launch of first high speed train in Africa

On November 15, King Mohammed VI and French President Emmanuel Macron inaugurated Africa’s first high speed train (LGV) in Morocco, named Al-Boraq.

The high speed train links Tangier and Casablanca in two hours and 10 minutes instead of the normal five-hour train ride. The train also makes stops in Kenitra and Rabat. The trip from Tangier to Kenitra now takes 50 minutes, while the trip from Tangier to Rabat takes 80 minutes.

Morocco received loans from several countries, foreign companies, and financial institutions to construct the LGV, which cost €2 billion.

Morocco’s railway company, ONCF, set promotion prices for passengers under certain conditions.

Some Moroccans and MPs opposed the LGV, saying the country has more important priorities. They stressed the need to improve the already existing railway network and trains. They also called on the government and ONCF to extend the railway network to other parts of Morocco in the south and southeast.

November: Launch of Mohammed VI-B satellite into orbit

On November 21,  the French Arianespace satellite launching company launched into orbit the new Mohammed VI-B satellite from the Vega Launch Complex in Kourou, French Guiana.

The Mohammed VI-B is the second satellite of Morocco’s Mohammed VI – A and B program to orbit. Mohammed VI-A was launched in 2017 and cost €500 million.

The Mohammed VI-B satellite is capable of taking up to 1,000 images per day with a resolution of up to 70 centimeters and will be circulating in the same orbit as the first satellite, 620 kilometers above the earth.

The satellite will be mainly used for mapping, surveillance, and agricultural activities. It will help with “prevention and management of natural disasters, monitoring changes in the environment and desertification, as well as border and coastal surveillance.”

December: Imlil Murders

Unfortunately, 2018 ended with a horrible double murder after terrorists murdered two young Scandinavian women near Imlil, 90 kilometers south of Marrakech in the Atlas Mountains.

The crime took place on December 17 against Danish tourist Louisa Vesterager Jespersen and Norwegian tourist Maren Ueland who came to the area to camp near Mount Toubkal.

Shocked and horrified by the act of terror, Moroccans condemned the murder and expressed sympathy for the victims’ families on social media, on the streets, and in front of the Norwegian and Danish embassies in Morocco.

Moroccan authorities have arrested 23 suspects in connection with the murder. The first four appeared in a video online pledging allegiance to ISIS leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi. Police arrested the latest suspect, a man of dual Swiss and Spanish citizenship, on December 29.

According to a statement from the general prosecutor, 15 suspects in the Imlil murder appeared before the investigating judge at Rabat’s Court of Appeals on December 30.

The post Boycott, Hirak, Imlil, and More: The Events that Shaped Morocco in 2018 appeared first on Morocco World News.

Rabat – After a joint investigation by the Freestone County Sheriff and the McLennan County Sheriff, police arrested an American school teacher in central Texas for conspiring to traffic a minor to Morocco for prostitution.

The arrested woman, Amber Michelle Parker, 37, is an eighth-grade teacher in Mexia Junior High School in Mexia, Texas.

Freestone County Sheriff Jeremy Shipley said that Parker “was placed under arrest for the offense of Trafficking of Persons.”

The arrest came after other family members contacted police, doubting Parker’s intentions with the girl.

Texas news outlet KBTX quoted Shipley as saying the woman “was online talking to multiple guys in Morocco trying to get it setup where she could take [the minor] with her over there to them.”

Parker promoted the girl as a virgin.

Read Also: Melilla Police Arrest Prostitution Ring that Exploits Moroccan Woman

McLennan County Sheriff Parnell McNamara said Parker posted semi-nude pictures of the minor in lingerie online to find men interested in the girl, Waco Tribune-Herald news outlet reported.

“It’s a very low-down thing, it’s the worst of the worst when you prostitute your own relative, that’s as low as you get,” said McNamara. “It’s sickening to think a woman would stoop that low.”

Although Parker was planning to take the child to Morocco, the minor did not travel.

Family members told McNamara that Parker visited Morocco in mid-December 2018 and returned to the US on January 1.

“Family members got wind that Parker was going to try to lure this girl to Morocco,” McNamara said. “It is a dastardly story, and it is trafficking at its worst.”

Thanks to the family members, the girl is now safe and is with her father who came from out of Texas to take her.

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Rabat – Scholz Holding of Germany filed a request for arbitration against Morocco with the International Center for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID), an agency of the World Bank Group, on January 3.

The dispute concerns a metal industry project, according to the ICSID website, without giving further details. Scholz says that the 2001 bilateral investment treaty between Morocco and Germany is applicable to the case.

Scholz has not disclosed the amount it is demanding.

Morocco is also involved in two other pending cases under World Bank dispute resolution. One case is with Corral Morocco Holding AB, a Moroccan subsidiary of the Swedish Corral Petroleum company. Morocco has another case, with a group of US businesses, including the Carlyle Group, a financial services company based in Washington, D.C.

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Rabat – Morocco’s Court of Auditors issued a report on Monday heavily criticizing the state-owned financial institution Deposit and Management Fund (CDG), known by its French name Caisse de Depot et de Gestion.

CDG is the legal depository of the National Social Security Fund (CNSS) and the national savings bank (CEN). It also manages the National Pension and Insurance Fund (CNRA) and the Collective Retirement Benefit Scheme (RCAR).

CDG is a major institutional investor in Morocco and was established as a public entity by decree in 1959. It is mainly responsible for managing savings funds which require special protection.

In its latest report, the Court of Auditors uncovered many irregularities in CDG’s institutional governance policy, strategic management, and investment policy.

Read Also: Court of Auditors: Serious Irregularities in Morocco’s Hospital Centers

Lacking institutional framework and strategic planning

The decree that founded CDG granted its general manager extensive management powers. The general manager can decide on operations related to investment, recruitment and appointments, as well as the creation and removal of structures.

According to the court, “This concentration of power extended into the hands of one person is not in line with universally accepted rules of good governance.”

“It does not promote the establishment of risk control which is essential to securing resources entrusted to the institution.”

The court emphasized that CDG Group’s strategic vision has changed over the years from a “collector of savings and investor in Treasury bills to an active investor in riskier activities.”

While reviewing CDG’s strategic planning and steering system of its subsidiaries and holdings, the court found that the institution has no assessment for objective achievements and has a general lack of monitoring mechanisms and management control.

Read Also: Court of Auditors: Gross Mismanagement in Morocco’s Education Emergency Plan

Non authorized subsidiaries and investment concentration

One of the CDG’s major irregularities is that CDG made equity investments in some of its own subsidiaries and holdings and created some non-systematically authorized subsidiaries.

The court found that the institution did not obtain prior obligatory permission from the head of government to do so, as required by Law 39.89 on the transfer of public companies into the private sector.

The court cited CG Parking, Immolog, Med Resort, and Arribat Center as examples of CDG subsidiaries either created without authorization or in which CDG made equity investments. In the case of Arribat Center in Rabat, the company promised to become a “multifunctional complex in the heart of the Agdal neighborhood,” but construction has stalled.

Between 2006 and 2007, CDG made some equity investments in foreign companies including France’s Club Mediterranee and Vivendi, and Germany’s TUI AG for a total of MAD 6.5 billion.

The CDG’s decision to acquire stakes in the international market, according the court, lacks a strategic vision which does not take into account the institution’s constraints, particularly the securing of its funds.

Read Also: Latifa Echihabi Appointed Secretary-General of Morocco’s CDG

The security of CDG’s funds did not previously define an appropriate investment model due to the lack of “in-depth studies that take into account the overall allocation of its assets and prudent investment rules,” explained the report.

The court report showed that CDG concentrates its investments in a limited number of subsidiaries and holdings.

At the end of 2017, nine subsidiaries and holdings dominated CDG’s portfolio out of 70 subsidiaries and holdings. The nine subsidiaries received 76 percent (approximately MAD 31.4 million) of the portfolio’s book value of MAD 42.2 million, according to the court’s report.

According to the court’s statistics, the number of CDG’s subsidiaries and holdings increased from 80 in 2007 to 143 in 2017. They operate in various business sectors from retail banking and finance to real estate, tourism, and insurance.

The report added that between 2006 and 2017 the institution allocated 90 percent of its additional investments, amounting to MAD 26.8 billion, to eight subsidiaries and holdings whose outstanding balance increased from MAD 6 billion to MAD 32.7 billion.

In 2017, CDG’s “subsidiaries and holdings made up 79% of the total equity portfolio, compared to 52% at the end of 2007,” the report noted.

Read Also: Court of Auditors: Morocco’s Schools Not Achieving Basic Standards

The court’s recommendations

At the end of its report, the Court of Auditors recommended that authorities should “recast the legal and institutional framework governing CDG to comply with corporate governance best practices.”

The court also called on CDG to “improve its internal control system and set up a risk management system at the group level.”

CDG Group should bring “unauthorized” subsidiaries and holdings into compliance with the law, the court stressed.

The court added that the Ministry of the Economy and Finance, in its capacity as the supervising authority of CDG, should ensure that CDG “respects the commitments and objectives” set for the authorizing of equity investments and creation of some subsidiaries and holdings.

CDG should “formalize rules governing the management of the portfolio of direct holdings regarding investment concentration,” the court emphasized.

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Rabat – Moroccan Minister of Trade and Industry Moulay Hafid Elalamy will meet with the chambers of commerce and industry on January 16 following merchants’ strikes against the new electronic invoicing, the industry ministry said in a statement on Wednesday.

Early this month, the General Directorate of Taxes (DGI) announced the implementation of new tax measures using electronic invoicing.

The measures stipulate that merchants should use an electronic system to issue invoices. To do this, merchants must have billing software approved by tax authorities and an information system allowing a common database with the tax authorities.

The government introduced the measures in the 2018 Finance Law at the end of 2017 and were expected to come into force in early 2019.

Read Also: Morocco’s House of Representatives Adopts 2019 Finance Bill

The new measures sparked uproar among merchants. On January 3, many wholesalers in Casablanca closed their shops and held a sit-in at La Victoire Place protesting the new tax law.

The protesting merchants were from Derb Omar, Allal Garage Allal, Korea, and Bayada, the main commercial sites in Casablanca.

On January 4, Elalamy called on merchants to present their demands in an organized manner through the chambers of commerce and industry.

Following the merchants’ demonstrations, the DGI announced that some media reported false explanations and interpretations of the electronic billing system.  

The tax authority denied the explanations, saying they are “completely unfounded” and “indicate a misunderstanding of the new provisions of the 2018 Finance Law.”

The DGI explained that the electronic billing system “concerns only professionals subject to financial control and does not apply to merchants and service providers subject to the lump sum system,” in a statement on January 8.

“The new billing system provisions have not yet entered into force and will only be implemented after the publication of the law.”

In the January 16 meeting, Minister Elalamy will discuss the merchants’ demands with their representatives. Members of the DGI and customs will also attend the meeting.

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Rabat – In response to his “detractors” about his growing closeness to Morocco, Ahmad Ahmad said that Morocco’s commitment to African football’s advancement compels love and admiration.

“My strong friendship, affection, and numerous trips to Morocco are not well received in some quarters,” Ahmad conceded in a Radio interview, according to the January 10 edition of the Al Akhbar newspaper.

But Ahmad’s acknowledgement of his “controversial” and so-called love affair with Morocco is no renunciation. Rather, he suggested his critics are envious to such a degree that “they are sometimes driven sick” to see him support and regularly visit “a country that is Africa’s friend.”

“To those people [critics], I say that I am not interested in what they think. I really like this country,” Ahmad said of Morocco. He went on to explain his “love” by pointing out that Morocco is “a friend of Africa that has shouldered its responsibility toward the continent whenever need arose.”

Pointing to the organization of the 2018 CHAN, which Morocco hosted and Ahmad had called the “most successful CHAN” ever organized, the Malagasy said that Morocco stepped in for African football time and time again when it came to hosting tournaments or sponsoring other football events on the continent.

“Morocco has on many occasions come to the rescue of African football…. That’s exactly what others have declined to do and that’s why I’m proud of my friendship with a kingdom that has done so much for continental football,” hammered a sentimental Ahmad.

While this is the first time Ahmad squarely speaks of his love for and attachment to Morocco, his admiration for Moroccan football is no news to African football watchers. The Malagasy is an admirer of Morocco’s South-South agenda and has been an established pro-Morocco voice in Africa football’s governing body.

Is Ahmad’s CAF more supportive of Morocco than it should be?

Until this interview, however, Ahmad’s public support for Morocco was couched in cautious language that pointed more to the country’s “advanced infrastructure” and “commitment to pan-African agendas” than his own “affection” and admiration for the North African country.

In the build-up to the voting process of the 2026 World Cup hosting rights, Ahmad Ahmad constantly defied FIFA’s “biased and partial” impartiality pleas. The Malagasy on many occasions called on all African countries to cast their votes for Morocco. He argued that Morocco’s victory would be synonymous with Africa’s victory.

Most recently, Morocco surprisingly ruled itself out of the late-minute contest for the CAN 2019 hosting rights.

When CAF stripped Cameroon of the right to host the continent’s most celebrated football event for being “technically unfit and unprepared,” many expected that Morocco would step in as a last-minute candidate and would get the tacit approval of CAF, regardless of who the other candidates were.

But Morocco ditched those expectations. Morocco’s football authorities said that CAN 2019 was not part of their agenda. Critics, however, remain convinced that Rabat simply did not intend to add insult to injury given the widely-circulating rumors that CAF would have backed its bid.

Whether critics were wrong, we will never know. Meanwhile, Ahmad Ahmad is adamant about Morocco being a “role model” and an “inspiration” for African football.

Like Morocco, African countries need to invest more in infrastructure and show genuine political will to support the advancement of football in their respective countries and at the continental level, Ahmad concluded.

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Rabat – Moroccan Head of Government Saad Eddine El Othmani announced Thursday that the government will suspend the implementation of the new tax measures using electronic invoicing which recently sparked uproar among merchants.

Speaking at the weekly Government Council meeting, El Othmani said he seeks to communicate with concerned government sectors and merchants’ representatives “to review the difficulties encountered and find appropriate solutions,” according to a statement released after the meeting.

The new tax measures, introduced in the 2018 Finance Law, stipulate that merchants should use an electronic system to issue invoices. To do this, merchants must have billing software approved by tax authorities and an information system allowing a common database with the tax authorities.

The measures were expected to come into force in early 2019 with the aim to fight tax fraud.

After the the General Directorate of Taxes (DGI) announced the implementation the tax law earlier this month, many wholesalers in Casablanca closed their shops and held a sit-in at La Victoire Place protesting the new tax law.

Read Also: Elalamy Responds to Moroccan Merchants’ Anger over Electronic Billing

El Othmani said Thursday that he is closely following the situation along with trade and interior ministers. He also expressed his willingness to “intervene and find a solution to any unacceptable transgression”.

The head of government said that the DGI and customs will hold a meeting on January 14 with merchants’ representatives to discuss the issue.

Two days after, Moroccan Minister of Trade and Industry Moulay Hafid Elalamy will also meet with the chambers of commerce and industry, Customs, and merchants’ representatives for the same purpose.

El Othmani affirmed that his government will examine all the proposals that some associations, organizations and trade unions submitted to “achieve balanced solutions that take into account the interests of merchants, businesses, and the national economy, through a frank and constructive dialogue.”

‘Merchants play important role in national economy’

The head of government reiterated that small merchants and service providers subject to the the lump sum system are not concerned by the electronic billing system.

“We devote special attention to merchants and professionals due to the important role they play in the national economy,” El Othmani said.

Following the merchants’ demonstrations, the DGI announced that some media reported false explanations and interpretations of the electronic billing system.  

The tax authority denied the explanations, saying they are “completely unfounded” and “indicate a misunderstanding of the new provisions of the 2018 Finance Law,” in a statement on January 8.

Speaking at a press briefing after the weekly Government Council meeting, the Government Spokesman to Mustapha El Khalfi said that the new measures “will not be applied until an agreement between all parties is reached.”

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Rabat – The Islamic Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (ISESCO) plans to create a virtual museum of the ksour and kasbahs in Morocco, as part of celebrating the Year of Heritage in the Islamic World in 2019, a statement by ISESCO says.

A ksar (plural ksour) is a fortified village that may include a kasbah, which is a fortified center or citadel. Such villages are found in Arabia, North Africa, and Iberia. The Moroccan city of Ksar El Kebir and the Kasbah of the Oudayas neighborhood in Rabat were named after historical villages.

ISESCO is also planning 37 activities to promote, protect, and digitize Islamic heritage and monuments, as well as restore manuscripts.

These activities will take place throughout 2019 at ISESCO’s headquarters and in Palestine, Iraq, Jordan, Tunisia, Qatar, Nigeria, Mali, Burkina Faso, Brunei Darussalam, Azerbaijan, Bangladesh, Kyrgyzstan, Malaysia, and Uzbekistan.

ISESCO will organize activities to support cultural institutions in Jerusalem, as part of celebrating the Holy City as the 2019 Capital of Islamic Culture. ISESCO will produce a documentary film on Palestinian crafts, a guide to Palestinian proverbs and folk tales, a documentary study on the Jerusalem libraries looted in 1948, and a workshop on protecting Palestinian national heritage.

In 1979, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation founded ISESCO, one of the largest international Islamic organizations specializing in education, science, and culture.

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Rabat – Pro-Polisario associations, who describe themselves as “representatives of Sahrawi civil society in Morocco and in the Tindouf camps,” have petitioned against the continuation of Morocco-EU trade agreements.

Challenging Rabat’s legitimacy in the southern territories, the group is demanding that the European Union review the terms of its trade deals with Morocco.

The group outlined its position in a letter they sent late last week to European Commissioner for Economic and Financial Affairs, Taxation, and Customs Pierre Moscovici.

In the letter, they expressed “deep concern” about the completed and ongoing negotiations between Rabat and Brussels to renew trade agreements—especially fisheries and agriculture—including Western Sahara. They “firmly” opposed “any agreement with Morocco including Western Sahara,” according to pro-Polisario outlets.

The challenge comes amid a flurry of EU-Morocco activities in recent weeks to finalize months of Rabat-Brussels negotiations to renew the fisheries and agriculture agreements.

Despite usual challenges from pro-separatist circles, the fisheries deal was struck earlier this week, while the agriculture agreement is set to pass through an EU Parliament vote tomorrow, January 16.

Opposing petitions

As a counter-petition calling for the EU to call off its deals with an “occupying force,” the letter also comes in direct response to a recent petition by pro-Rabat Sahrawis who called for the renewal of the agreements.

Referring to Morocco as a “motherland,” the pro-Morocco petition said that Rabat’s numerous development investments in the southern provinces in recent years showcase its attachment to improving living standards and employment prospects for the disputed region.

“Since our country completed its territorial integrity by recovering its southern provinces, it has made significant efforts towards their sustainable development. Noticeable progress made in our southern provinces as the result of our country’s efforts to make development, both at large and in our regions, our top priority,” the pro-Morocco petition read.

It argued that Morocco’s commitment to its southern provinces is “well-established.”

“The theory that the Fisheries Agreement and the Agricultural Agreement do not benefit the local population concerned is not valid … To oppose these two agreements would put at risk the thousands of families who are financially dependent on maritime and agricultural activities in our southern provinces.”

Despite such impassioned local support for Morocco’s position, the pro-separatist letter maintained that renewing EU-Morocco deals would be “in violation” of the EU commission’s “good administrative behavior.”

Although recent developments, including the EU Commission’s reiteration of its support for Morocco’s position that locals benefit from the agreements’ financial returns, suggest the renewal of the agriculture deal, the pro-Polisario challenge is nothing to sniff at.

Last week, pro-Polisario European MP Paloma Lopez launched a parliamentary “battle” with the aim of challenging the legal foundations of the Morocco-EU agriculture agreement.

An established “Sahrawi independence” supporter, Lopez seeks to “collect the 76 signatures required for a resolution proposal” to delay the EU Parliament’s vote.

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Rabat – The White House announced yesterday a partial end to the US government shutdown, ending 37 “excruciating” days of government inactivity. President Trump signed a spending bill to end the country’s longest government shutdown yesterday.

The new budget is in tune with Morocco’s Western Sahara position.
President Trump would not sign previous iterations of the bill into law amid divisive party politicking in the heat of the government shutdown.

While Trump did not secure the $5.7 billion of funding he wanted for his Mexico wall, he raised a white flag yesterday and signed the bill with an option to later explore common ground on border security.

The bill will reopen the government for three weeks, a respite Trump said he will use to get a longer-term bill.

“We have reached a deal to end the shutdown… I will sign a bill to open our government for three weeks,” Trump said. “Over the next 21 days I expect that both Democrats and Republicans will operate in good faith.”

Pro-Morocco language

Trump noted that a bipartisan committee made up of the House and Senate would present him with a “package for me to shortly sign into law.”

While for the US the end of the shutdown means the resumption of work and paychecks for federal government workers, for Rabat it means the passing into law of a pro-Morocco spending bill in terms of US financial and food assistance to Western Sahara.

“Funds appropriated under title III of this Act shall be made available for assistance for the Western Sahara: Provided, that not later than 90 days after enactments of this Act and prior to the obligation of such funds, the Secretary of State, in consultation with the USAID Administrator, shall consult with the Committees on Appropriations on the proposed use of such funds,” read part of the bill.

The language reverses that of an earlier draft which removed Western Sahara from the “Morocco” section in the spending bill, tacitly supporting the Polisario Front’s claims.

The bill’s most critical part, however, as far as Morocco is concerned, is its call for more coordinated actions from US and UN officials to monitor food and financial assistance for refugees in the Tindouf camps in Algeria. The goal of coordination, the bill noted, is to ensure that humanitarian assistance actually reaches the camps’ “vulnerable refugees.”

Morocco has denounced Polisario’s perceived embezzlement and mismanagement of the funds and humanitarian assistance for refugees in Tindouf. For the US spending bill to raise the same concerns implies that Rabat’s repeated calls for international monitoring have not gone unnoticed.

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Rabat – No officials from Morocco or Israel have confirmed the widely circulating news, but recent developments suggest they may be engaged in rapprochement talks.

Last week, on January 23, Norm Coleman, a former senator and former chairman of the Republican Jewish Coalition (RJC), tweeted a picture of a recent trip to Rabat.

Rabat, Morocco- with the Foreign Minister and @AriFleischer @mbrooksrjc , Elliot Abrams &Andrew King. An Arab country that that promotes tolerance-for Jews and Christians- in their Constitution. pic.twitter.com/UTZ7Kss8cL

— Norm coleman (@normcoleman) January 23, 2019

The picture showed Coleman with Moroccan foreign minister Nasser Bourita; pro-Morocco lobbyist Andrew King; and three other senior Jewish Republicans, Mat Brooks, Ari Fleischer, and Elliot Abrams, known for their pro-Israel activism.

Bourita’s meeting with the RJC adds legitimacy to the claims that Rabat is flexing its diplomatic muscles to garner more support from the American establishment, Washington-based outlet Al Monitor reported.

Israel as key to Trump’s uncertain foreign policy

The Trump administration has been unpredictable on a number of foreign policy issues.

While Washington has in many regards remained committed to Morocco as an ally—the continued cooperation on security is one example—some other moves from the Trump administration have bewildered Rabat.

Most recently, National Security Advisor John Bolton’s apparent anti-Morocco statements and Trump’s “Africa Strategy” were a major source of contention in Rabat-Washington circles.

Where the US saw the necessity of reclaiming its “lost prestige” by containing Chinese inroads in Africa, Rabat, more concerned with its Western Sahara position, feared a sudden shift in terms of US priorities in Africa.

Commitment to Israel has been one of the few unambiguous guidelines of the Trump administration’s foreign policy priorities.

Morocco’s diplomatic activism and Netanyahu rumors

When asked about the aim of the RJC’s visit to Rabat, Abrams wrote off suggestions that the group was working to facilitate prospective diplomatic overtures between Morocco and Israel. “My only comment is that I have many friends in Morocco, especially in the Jewish community, and was happy to see them again,” Abrams said, according to Al Monitor.

Despite the denial, the group’s Rabat visit came amid reports of a potential visit to Morocco by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

Reports on the visit have emphasized Netanyahu’s desire to seek “normalization” with the Muslim world, including countries in the Middle East and Africa.

The caption of Coleman’s Rabat trip picture referred to Morocco as “An Arab country that that [sic] promotes tolerance—for Jews and Christians—in their constitution.” The language resembles that of the keywords of Netanyahu’s “normalization” efforts, which have been couched in terms of brokering “historical peace with the Muslim world.”

On the Moroccan side, meanwhile, rapprochement with Israel is more likely to do with the North African country’s efforts in recent years to increase its visibility on the global stage and broaden international support for its stance on Western Sahara.

Since 2017, Rabat’s diplomatic efforts has made valuable diplomatic inroads in Africa and the Americas in previously uncharted territories for Moroccan diplomacy.

The efforts have paid off. The UN Security Council’s recent resolution about the Western Sahara contained a language that is viewed in Morocco as positive. In addition, many countries in Africa, Europe, and Latin America have vowed support for Rabat’s position in Western Sahara. While the US, too, has applauded the Moroccan Autonomy Plan on many occasions, the Trump administration’s position has not been clear.

Last week, President Trump signed into law the 2019 spending bill, a document that includes explicitly Morocco-friendly language. The bill’s section on Morocco includes Western Sahara in US aids to Morocco and calls for international efforts to monitor the humanitarian assistance to the Tindouf camps in Algeria, two points that echoed Rabat sentiments on the Western Sahara question.

Rabat shifts to bold PR

For all its boost to Morocco’s position, the bill came after Washington had sent mixed messages to its North African ally. The adoption of the bill followed an episode that has been associated with the “Bolton effect” in the framework of the ongoing UN-led negotiations for a sustainable settlement in Western Sahara.

Last year, amid indications of a more promising UN-led process in the Western Sahara under the auspices of Host Kohler, the Trump administration unexpectedly requested that the mandate of MINURSO, the UN peacekeeping mission in Western Sahara, be only renewed by six months.

The usual renewal period was one year, and many perceived the unprecedented sixth-month timeframe as a Bolton-concocted strategy to put more pressure on conflicting parties, especially Morocco, where Trump’s appointment of Bolton raised concerns.

While being assertive and bold with its other partners–note Rabat’s boldness when negotiating the renewal of the fisheries and agriculture agreements with the EU–Morocco has overwhelmingly relied on the reciprocity principle when dealing with Washington.

When Ambassador Omar Hilale said last month that no senior US official can jeopardize the longstanding relations between Rabat and Washington, he did not merely intend to downplay the “Bolton effect.”

Ambassador Hilale’s larger point, given Morocco’s position as the US’ strongest ally in North Africa and given the kingdom’s known commitment to its alliance with the US, was that Morocco did not need, like other players in the Sahara dispute, to resort to aggressive PR and lobbying campaigns. Morocco could always count on its American ally to stand by its side, Hilale suggested.

Weeks later, however, the US House of Representatives passed a Morocco-hostile spending bill. The move was largely perceived as a relative PR setback for Rabat. That setback catapulted Moroccan diplomats into initiating backdoor negotiations with Washington, yielding results that have been unfolding in recent weeks.

Despite the confidence that has come with President Trump passing into law a spending bill that reflects Morocco’s position, the RCJ’s trip to Rabat suggests that Morocco has learned its lesson from: When dealing with the Trump administration, the reciprocity principle should be accompanied by bolder and firmer and firmer steps.

According to Moroccan and Israeli news reports on Netanyahu’s rumored visit to Rabat, Moroccan diplomats hope that rapprochement with Israel will put Morocco in a better position to get game-changing support from the US government on Western Sahara.

While there are clear indications that Rabat is poised to lobby for US support on its Western Sahara position, Netanyahu’s rumored visit should be taken with a grain of salt. Support for the Palestinian cause is part of Morocco’s foreign policy directives, and it remains to be seen whether that can change overnight.

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Rabat – A documentary on Western Sahara, aired on Saudi-owned Television Al-Arabiya, has put forth pro-Polisario claims, putting Saudi Arabia’s Moroccan ally in an uncomfortable position regarding its Western Sahara claims.

While refraining from overtly espousing a number of pro-Polisario concepts like “occupation” or “colonization,” the historical time frame presented in the show unequivocally buttressed the claim that Morocco “invaded” and “occupied” Western Sahara when Spain left the territories.

Al-Arabiya added insults to injury, however. In addition to its pro-separatist historical timeline, the documentary’s narrative suggested that the international community recognizes the Polisario Front, the separatist group claiming independence for the self-styled Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR), as “the legitimate representative of the Sahrawis.”

Morocco and Saudi Arabia are historically strategic allies, with especially strong bonds between the two royal families. But the recent months have seen a pattern of gradual decline of warmth in relations that the two kingdoms used to enjoy.

Is it all about Morocco’s position in the Gulf crisis?

For all the pedigree of the increasingly complicated diplomatic ties between Rabat and Riyadh, Morocco’s position of “constructive neutrality” in the ongoing spat between the Saudi-led group—Egypt, Bahrain, the UAE, and Saudi Arabia—and Qatar may be the main reason for the sustained tension, observers have suggested.

The suggestion was reinforced in a recent wide-ranging interview that Morocco’s foreign affairs minister Nasser Bourita gave to Qatar-owned Al Jazeera.

Speaking to Al Jazeera journalist Jalal Chahda on the Bila Houdoud (Without Borders) program, Bourita gave a wide-ranging view of Morocco’s diplomacy, touching on the kingdom’s neutrality in the Gulf crisis.

“If the parties so wish, the Kingdom of Morocco is ready to offer its services to foster a frank and comprehensive dialogue,” Morocco said in the wake of the crisis in July 2017. Bourita reiterated Morocco’s belief in “Muslim solidarity,” calling the now defunct Gulf Cooperation Council “the only point of light in the Arab world.”

As Al-Arabiya, which considers itself to be a counterbalance to Al Jazeera, aired its Western Sahara missile barely a week after Bourita’s interview, it is safe to assume that Morocco’s refusal to pick sides in the Gulf crisis, or more precisely Morocco’s refusal to side with the Saudi-led blockade against Qatar, has still not been swallowed in Riyadh.

Déjà vu?

In the weeks before June 13, 2018, Saudi Arabia actively lobbied in favor of the US-led North American bid to host the 2026 World Cup. The June vote followed a number of anti-Moroccan sentiments from Turki Al-Sheikh, the chairman of the Saudi General Sports Authority.

The episode ignited strong feelings in Morocco, with many Moroccans calling on the government to revise its diplomatic stance vis-a-vis Riyadh. Other events pointed to the “historical lie” that pan-Arabism has always been.

But while the gradual rift received considerable news coverage, both countries have been careful enough not to openly attack each other on highly important issues. Morocco has been especially diplomatic even when declining to cater to Saudi demands that did not dovetail with its interests.

“If relationships are measured by different schedules, this trivializes the relationship,” Bourita said in his Al-Jazeera interview. Bourita was explaining why Morocco, which was initially part of Crown Prince MBS’s infamous world tour, finally removed itself from the Saudi prince’s itinerary.

Need for a response

However, in response to Al-Arabiya’s documentary, many have suggested that Morocco’s diplomatic attitude towards Riyadh’s undiplomatic moves will have to change sooner rather than later. The documentary, one report contended, is a “violation of the historical friendship” between Saudi Arabia and Morocco.

The point is that while Moroccans have come to expect mild anti-Moroccan sentiments from some quarters in Riyadh, an overt attack on Morocco’s territorial integrity cannot be put in the same basket as other occasional mood swings or miscommunication from the likes of Al-Sheikh.

In his Al-Jazeera interview, Bourita said that Morocco’s sovereignty over its southern territories is non-negotiable. Bourita’s firmness on that occasion was reminiscent of his statements when Morocco severed ties with Iran, which it accused of “militarily and logistically” helping Polisario through its Hezbollah proxy.

Most recently, on January 29, Morocco’s Permanent Representative to the UN Omar Hilale said that Morocco is unfailingly adamant when it comes to its territorial integrity.

“That’s the top. That’s the bottom. That’s everything, and within the sovereignty of Morocco…. Outside autonomy, nothing,” the Moroccan diplomat said of the ongoing UN-led talks on Western Sahara.

He pointed out that the 2007 Autonomy Plan, which grants local Sahrawis the “largest operative power” under Moroccan sovereignty, is the furthest Morocco could concede. And, like Bourita, Hilale went on to argue Morocco’s sovereignty and territorial integrity are sacred and non-negotiable.

But now that a Saudi-owned channel has crossed what Rabat considers a red line, how will Rabat respond?

As narratives hostile to Moroccan interests continue to flourish in Saudi public discourse, it remains to be seen whether this time Rabat will at least formally notify Riyadh that there are some things that Morocco does not tolerate.

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Rabat – Morocco and Chile are poised to give a more solid foundation to their newfound diplomatic relations by committing to becoming closer on the cultural front.

Meeting yesterday with the Chilean ambassador to Rabat, Alex Geiger Soffia, Morocco’s Minister of Culture and Communication Mohamed Laaraj, said that Rabat is grateful for the friendly and growing bilateral ties with Chile.

In the Americas, Chile has been an illustration of Morocco’s increased diplomatic outreach and assertive public relations to garner international support for its Western Sahara stance. Laaraj suggested Morocco can only show commitment and reciprocity to such a supportive country like Chile.

Meantime, the Chilean ambassador spoke warmly of the North African nation, saying that more actions are needed to bolster cultural cooperation.

Both officials said their countries are working to “establish mechanisms to strengthen their bilateral cooperation in the cultural, literary, and artistic domains,” state-owned news agency Maghreb Arab Press (MAP) reported today.

In January last year, the Chilean Senate passed a resolution in support of Morocco’s 2007 Autonomy Plan.

The resolution acknowledged the seriousness and credibility of Morocco’s Western Sahara position. It noted that the referendum, one of the Polisario Front’s highest priorities, is “inapplicable.”

Morocco’s plan, the resolution concluded, “will undoubtedly enable the Sahara population to exercise their right to self-determination, by democratically managing their own affairs through legislative, executive and judicial bodies with exclusive powers under the sovereignty of Morocco.”

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Rabat – Despite implementing reforms to improve democracy by fighting practices like corruption and censorship, freedom has not been totally achieved in Morocco.

The mixed assessment comes from the latest Freedom House report on the state of “Freedom in the world.” The report spoke in somber terms of the global state of democratization and accompanying values like respect of political rights, checks and balances, and political dissent.

“Freedom in the World assesses the real-world rights and freedoms enjoyed by individuals, rather than governments or government performance per se,” the report noted.

This year, Freedom House evaluated political rights and civil liberties in 195 countries and 14 territories. They were assigned “between 0 and 4 points on a series of 25 indicators, for an aggregate score of up to 100.” Based on how each performed on freedom conditions, they were categorized as “free,” “partly free,” or “not free.”

Morocco, which scored 39 in aggregate, was ranked 144th out of 209 countries and territories worldwide.

With that score, Morocco was categorized as “partly free,” suggesting that in spite of recent political reforms, challenges remain.

MENA: Repression grows as democracies stumble

At the same time, Morocco’s not-so-good performance in freedom and “democratic values” is not an isolated case. In fact, Morocco was among the best performers of the MENA region.

Regional trends in MENA point to a pattern of slumbering democracies, limiting political climate for rights advocacy groups, and surging authoritarianism. Many in Moroccan policy quarters continue to refer to Morocco as a regional exception and torch bearer.

Algeria (34 and not free), Mauritania (32 and not free), and Egypt (22 and not free) languish far below Morocco and attest to North Africa’s longstanding pattern of democratic erosion under power-seeking elites eager to “suppress dissent” and block democratic transitions, the report suggested.

Speaking of Egypt’s score, the report noted, “Political repression worsened in Egypt, where President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi was reelected with 97 percent of the vote after security forces arbitrarily detained potential challengers.”

In the Arab world beyond North Africa, the situation of freedom and civil liberties is no less dire.

Some countries which grabbed global headlines for their perceived commitment to a democratic transition by implementing liberties-friendly reforms have “suffered from self-inflicted wounds,” according to the report.

Saudi Arabia, which at some point last year drew enthusiastic commentaries and news stories in global media for its crown prince’s progressive reforms, stood out in the category of countries that did not live up to expectations. The murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi dealt a serious blow to the Saudi kingdom’s standing, revealing troubling patterns of state-sponsored repression.

“In Saudi Arabia, after the government drew praise for easing its draconian ban on women driving, authorities arrested high-profile women’s rights activists and clamped down on even mild forms of dissent. Evidence also mounted that Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman had personally ordered the assassination of self-exiled critic and Washington Post columnist Jamal Khashoggi in Istanbul, dashing any remaining hopes that the young prince might emerge as a reformer,” Freedom House noted.

Only three countries outranked Morocco in the entire MENA region: Israel and Tunisia, the region’s only two “free” countries with scores of 78 and 69, respectively, and Lebanon, “partly free,” with a score of 45.

Morocco’s pattern of mixed results

While Freedom House has yet to publish an overview to explain the reasons for Morocco’s “partly free” character, the North African kingdom is no stranger to such assessments.

On January 29, Transparency International assessed Morocco’s anti-corruption efforts as mildly successful.

Transparency reported that while there have been clear signs of government commitment to curbing corruption and related practices, “political and economic elites influence government and divert public funds at the expense of citizens.”

Prior to that, the Economist’s 2018 Democracy Index report also suggested that it is not clear whether Morocco can be called a democracy. The report used terms like “flawed democracy” or “hybrid regime” to explain that Morocco is neither a consolidated democracy nor a full dictatorship.

Meanwhile, it is not solely in the MENA region that democracy had a rough time in 2018. “Between 2005 and 2018, the share of Not Free countries rose to 26 percent, while the share of Free countries declined to 44 percent,” according to Freedom House. “Democracy is in retreat,” the report added. “The pattern is consistent and ominous.”

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Rabat – Speaking with Morocco World News, Omar Chennafi, a passionate photographer and founder of the Fez International Artists Gathering, shared his aspirations to create a space where local people can experience all forms of art freely.

Chennafi is no stranger to artistic expression. Besides photography, he is also interested in sculpting.

Chennafi has already created a platform where international artists, musicians, painters, photographers, and authors, meet every year to discuss their art and share views on modern issues in Morocco’s “cultural capital,” Fez.

This year, too, artists, intellectuals, and academics from different countries, ages, and backgrounds, but with a deep understanding of how the cogs fit in modern society, met in Fez.

While the Fez gathering offers a ticket to the works of renowned artists and the minds of intellectuals, establishing a platform that would be a “visa or window” for normal people to explore and be in touch with art is Chenafi’s dream. And it may not be too far-fetched. 

Chennafi wishes to “design a program and projections that everybody can benefit from not just the intellectuals or educated people, but also people that have a normal life,” including street art performers or street painters.

“My dream is to give them an experience and make art more accessible, open their perspective, and show that art is not just a luxury, but could also hold an educational approach,” he said.

Chennafi believes that art plays a vital role in educating people and heightening social awareness. Chennafi’s statement elicits a question: Could new forms of expression influence or lead to new social and governmental policies?

Chennafi believes that art can lead to unity and diversity as well as contribute to social change. Chennafi emphasized that art “can help us understand our problems,” whether social or political, so “we can solve them in a systematic way.” But, he said, it cannot immediately change governmental policies.

Read Also: Houda Gueddari: In Morocco, Politics Accommodates Culture, Stifles Art

Photography is a gift to be explored

“Our generation is fortunate to experience so many different arts, and opportunities,” Chennafi mused.

The same applies for photography, as “you don’t need to be an academic to be a photographer,” said Chennafi.

Chennafi sees photography as “a gift” that people can explore. “I hope that people can take photography as a way of telling a story, as a way of helping people connect and reconnect, and as a way of appreciation and giving back to the world and expressing love.”

Chennafi is more pulled toward capturing the lives of people and showing diversity. To him, “the most interesting things in our existence are people. Us.”

All artists have moments when their muse decides to slumber. Chennafi likened the feeling of being uninspired or the tendency toward procrastination to fighting a giant wave while holding on to a wooden board.

“You are fighting a huge wave and you’re sticking to this wood which is your only hope until the wave stops. If you don’t have faith, I think your ideas will fall,” Chennafi said. He nuanced his view, saying, “It’s all about passion and having faith” in oneself and “finding the right balance in our lives.”

“It is important to be practical and realistic and to find a balance because we have responsibilities also about our lifestyle, family. It’s not just about focusing on finding ideas, because ideas are always there.”

The biggest challenge in dealing with ideas, to Chennafi, is “how to make them come to life.”

Chennafi criticized the act of sacrificing one’s health and time with loved ones to work, not excluding artwork.

“A lot of people sacrifice their bodies, sleep hours. You have to sacrifice in a way not damaging yourself. Don’t be scared of your fear. We all have fears and doubts but the question is: ‘How can I deal with it, stay focused and continue my journey?’”

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